Posted by
Katy Grimes on Wednesday, July 22, 2009 12:44:30 AM
Reset
Your Presidency Mr. Obama
By
TED VAN DYK
Wall
Street Journal
July
17, 2009
Time out, Mr. President.
As we approach the August congressional recess,
it's clear that our economic distress is deeper than we thought, and thus your
health-care and energy initiatives are in danger of stalling out. You could use
a reset button for domestic policy.
Let's take it from the top.
Your presidential campaign was superb. You restored
hope to millions -- including me -- who had been demoralized by the political
polarization that characterized the presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W.
Bush. You talked about reaching across party and ideological lines to get the
public's business done. Your biography was appealing, and for those of us who
entered politics motivated by the civil-rights struggle, your candidacy
represented an important culmination.
You displayed an intellect and sense of cool that
made us think you would weigh decisions carefully and view advisers' proposals
with skepticism.
The
first warning signals for me came with your acceptance speech at the Democratic
National Convention. In it, you stressed domestic initiatives that clearly were
nonstarters in the already shrinking economy.
I had greater concern when you staffed your
administration and White House with a large number of Clinton administration
retreads who had learned their trade in the never-ending-campaign culture of
the Clinton years. Some appeared to represent what you had pledged to eradicate
in the capital.
Many of the missteps that have followed flowed, in
part, from your reliance on these Clinton holdovers. Your chief of staff, Rahm
Emanuel, defined your early strategy by stating that the financial and economic
crises presented an "opportunity" to jam through unrelated
legislation. To many of us, the remark was cynical and wrong-headed. The crises
did not represent an opportunity. They presented an obligation to do one thing:
Return our financial system and our economy to good health.
Since
January, your advisers have compared your situation to those of Presidents
Franklin D. Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson after their landslide victories in
1932 and 1964. In fact, your situation is quite different. Most centrally,
FDR's and LBJ's victories and congressional majorities were far larger than
yours. Thus their mandates were stronger.
FDR's first months in office were devoted entirely
to financial and economic recovery. His big domestic initiative, Social
Security, was not enacted until 1935. LBJ pushed an ambitious Great Society
agenda into law in 1965. But the U.S. economy was growing robustly in 1965.
Johnson referred to it as "an endless cornucopia" which would
generate tax revenues to pay for the Great Society. When he learned in mid-1967
that the projected federal budget deficit was $28 billion -- almost twice the
amount projected six months earlier -- he went to Congress to push for tax
increases in order to prevent Vietnam War and Great Society spending from creating
unacceptable deficits.
Your staff recently has compared your strategy in
pushing health-care and energy initiatives to the way Johnson pushed his Great
Society legislation. That's not a fair comparison. Johnson's initiatives were
framed in the White House by his administration. But at every stage,
congressional leaders of both political parties and financial, business, labor
and other private-sector leaders were consulted. Johnson wanted to assure that
his legislation was substantively sound and could get consensus support in the
Congress and the country.
Your strategy, by contrast, has been to advocate
forcefully for health-care and energy reform but to leave the details to
Democratic congressional committee chairs. You did the same thing with your initial
$787 billion stimulus package. Now, you're stuck with a plan that provides
little stimulus until 2010. A president should never cede control of his main
agenda to others.
This tactic has already had negative consequences.
Frightened by the prospective costs of your health-care and energy plans -- not
to mention the bailouts of the financial and auto industries -- independent
voters who supported you in 2008 are falling away. FDR and LBJ, only two years
after their 1932 and 1964 victories, saw their parties lose congressional seats
even though their personal popularity remained stable. The party out of power
traditionally gains seats in off-year elections, and 2010 is unlikely to be an
exception.
What adjustments should be made?
- Cut back both your proposals and expectations. You made promises about jobs that
would be "created and saved" by the stimulus package. Those promises
have not held up. You continue to engage in hyperbole by claiming that your
health-care and energy plans will save tax dollars. Congressional Budget Office
analysis indicates otherwise.
It's
time to re-examine these initiatives. Could your health plan be scaled back to
catastrophic coverage for all -- badly needed by most families, but quite
affordable if deductibles are set at the right levels? Should the Rube
Goldbergian cap-and-trade proposals be replaced with a simple carbon tax, with
proceeds to be allocated to alternative-fuels development?
The evolving health and cap-and-trade bills are
loaded with costly provisions designed to gain support from congressional
leaders and special-interest constituencies. In short, they have become an
expensive mess. This legislation will not clear Congress by the August recess,
as you have requested, and could be stalled for the remainder of 2009. Settle
for incremental change: Do not press Democratic legislators to vote for
something they fear will destroy them in 2010.
- Talk less and pick your spots. You are outdoing even Johnson and
Mr. Clinton with your daily speeches in the capital and around the country.
Applause and adulation are gratifying. But the more
you talk, the less weight your words will hold. Let voters see you at your
desk, conferring with serious people about serious matters. When you do choose
to talk, people will understand that it's important and they should listen.
-Conform your 2009 politics to your 2008
statements.
During your campaign, you called for bipartisanship and bridge-building. You
promised to reduce the influence of single-issue and single-interest groups in
the policy process. Yet, in your public statements, you keep using President
Bush as a scapegoat.
You have ceded content of your principal proposals
to Democratic congressional leaders who in large part have yielded to
special-interest constituencies and excluded Republican leaders from policy
formulation. This certainly was the case with the stimulus plan. It has been
the case with health and energy legislation, with the notable exception of Sen.
Max Baucus's attempt in the Senate Finance Committee to develop genuinely
bipartisan legislation.
You have an enormous reservoir of goodwill among
Americans of all persuasions. They want you to succeed. Level with them and
trim your proposals to what is practical in the current environment.
You
had things right in 2008. Take a timeout. Get back to yourself. Make a fresh
start.
Mr.
Van Dyk was Vice President Hubert Humphrey's assistant in the Johnson White
House and active in national Democratic politics over 40 years. He is the
author of "Heroes, Hacks and Fools," (University of Washington Press,
2008)